Wednesday, March 4, 2009
Celaka Pemuda Umno
Umno Youth cowardly ambush a disabled Member of Parliament in Malaysia. The MP, Karpal Singh, was sent a death threat, including two live bullets, a few days earlier. Umno Youth, the youth wing of the dominant racist Umno party, also organized a march to Karpal's house in an attempt to intimidate him. This is the level of politics Malaysia has sunk to. If you are viewing this and you are from a Commonwealth country, please let your MP and government know about the racist government in Malaysia.
Tuesday, March 3, 2009
Reformasi reigns under a raintree
(MJ reporting from the site where history was created)
I have never felt so proud of being a son of Perak than today. It was a historic and unforgettable moment. It was a moment made up of heroic courage accompanied by an unending chorus of “Hidup Perak”. It was a moment which Perakians could hold their heads high and know that there is hope.
For once “Malaysia Boleh” meant something very significant to me. What took place happened in Bolehland! In the midst of the crowd there was a placard which read: “The Whole World is Watching”. Yes, the whole world saw how the people of Perak and their leaders refused to bow, bend and buckle under Najib’s nefarious tricks and Umno’s manipulative maneuverings.
The whole world saw how a brave bunch of State Assemblypersons refused to be bribed, bought over, bullied or budge and how they are ready to face the possible consequences of their bravery in standing up to the powers-that-be who brazenly and shamelessly robbed the people of their State Government.
Today, Mohd Nizar Jamaluddin was voted and confirmed unanimously in a motion of confidence the true and legitimate Menteri Besar of Perak by the Perak State Assembly. This took place in an “emergency sitting” held under a raintree and an open sky – in the approving and affirming presence of the people.
It was an “emergency sitting” in every sense of the word. Locked out of the state secretariat and wanting to avoid any untoward incidents with some 30 thuggish men (Umno supporters?), the Pakatan Aduns made their way to a vacant lot some 200 meters from the state secretariat.
For a moment it seemed that the Pakatan leadership was unsure of what was the next course of action. A hush-hush discussion transpired after which to everyone’s surprise the Speaker announced that the emergency sitting would be held at the vacant spot under a raintree! Even the Aduns themselves seemed surprised! Nizar would later explain the sitting under the tree was done according to the “doctrine of necessity”!
As the Speaker and the Aduns took their place, there were whispers amongst the large crowd gathered, of the venue being the perfect place to hold a State Assembly sitting. A man standing next to me said that it was his first time attending a State Assembly sitting and they should have more of such assemblies which the public can easily attend!
A lady quipped: “You see how transparent PR is. We even hold a State Assembly sitting out in the open! We have nothing to hide. It is an open fact that Nizar is the legitimate MB and the PR State Government is that voted in by the majority of the people.”
The Speaker was in his full official regalia. The PR Aduns stood before him. Pakatan officials and security volunteers formed a ring around them. The sea of people surged closer encircling the two groups to witness the serious, solemn and significant event.
It was truly a touching and hilarious moment when the Speaker asked the Aduns to voice out and to provide a show of hands whether they agreed to the motion of confidence in Nizar being the legitimate MB, the crowd very spontaneously and spiritedly shouted “Setuju!” The Aduns then smilingly explained to the crowd that only the Aduns are to respond.
Some who were not familiar with the formalities of a State Assembly sitting felt strongly that they were very much part of the assembly and had the right to express their confidence in their MB! Two other motions were passed — one calling for the dissolution of the assembly to pave the way for fresh state elections, and the other, the adoption of the suspension of Perak Mentri Besar Zambry Abdul Kadir and six Exco councillors he appointed.
An Adun, when supporting one of the motions, began by speaking of an “institutional crisis” in Perak and in the country. He then corrected himself and mentioned “constitutional crisis”. He was right in the first instance — the country’s institutions are breaking down!
This has been so well highlighted by Bar Council president Ambiga Sreenevasan: “Our institutions, that is the courts, the police, etc., are being tested and we can judge for ourselves whether they are acting independently or not… It is so obvious they are not.”
She lamented that the tragic events in the state “shows a total breakdown in relation to the structures and sanctity of the legislature. It shows a violation of the role of the Speaker and an intrusion into the processes of the legislative assembly. The Speaker, much like the status of the Attorney General, should also be seen as an institution in its own right.”
The police who were supposed to be impartial ignored the instructions of the Speaker. They displayed an intimidating presence. Ipoh OCPD Azisman Alias insisted there would be no negotiations, causing State DAP chief and senior exco member under the PR government Ngeh Koo Ham to remark: “It is a very sad day. We have descended into a police state.”
Lim Kit Siang shares a similar concern: “Today, the doctrine of separation of powers has suffered another grievous blow with the powers and privileges of the legislature in Perak, attacked by the executive, both federal and state, which is also seeking to invoke unprecedented judicial interference with the legislature.”
In spite of the disturbing trends the courage displayed by the MB, Speaker and the Aduns of PR offer the people much hope. History will remember how a Perak State Assembly was forced to hold a sitting under a raintree during which the Speaker and the Assemblypersons literally stood up for the justice and the truth and against the might of those who are willing to stoop so low in their political subterfuge and scheming.
Martin Jalleh (3 March 2009)
Monday, March 2, 2009
史勿前例停车场大树下开会 霹雳紧急州议会通过三动议
当今大马团队 | 3月3日 9点04分
早上9点40分：由于镇暴队不准任何人进入州政府大厦，尼查的代表正与警方展开谈判。聚集在外的民众已经增加至200人，他们大部分都是民联的支持者。不过警方的水炮车却开始严阵以待，炮口指向民众。
由于遭警方阻挡，无法进入州政府大厦召开会议，霹雳议长西华古玛宣布紧急州议会改在距离州政府大厦50公尺外的停车场举行。
这场史无前例的霹雳紧急州议会是在一棵大树下举行。紧急州议会一致通过三项动议，即支持原任大臣尼查、解散州议会和批准对赞比里等人的禁足令。
霹州现场滚动报道：
早上11点55分：怡保警区主任阿兹斯曼（Azisman Alias）表示，在今早民联州议员不被允许进入州政府大厦时，那些对警方出言不逊者的身份将被鉴定。
他说，大约有200人在州政府大厦外集会，但是没有发生任何不愉快事件。
他说，一些人出言辱骂警方，警方将从现场照片和短片中找出这些人。
他说，警方也将寻求媒体的协助，找出那些妨碍警方执行任务的人士。
早上11点45分：聚集行动党总部前面的群众开始解散。
早上11点20分：国阵大臣赞比里代表律师莫哈末哈发里占（Mohd Hafarizam Harun）和费罗斯（Firoz Hussein Ahmad Jamaluddin）在怡保高庭外举行新闻发布会。他们披露，他们已经在今早8点半入禀高庭，申请庭令禁止民联召开不合法紧急州议会。
有关案件将在下午2点半由司法专员理万依布拉欣（Ridwan Ibrahim）聆审。
较早前，理万依布拉欣也在国阵申请撤销禁足令一案中宣判，议长必须由州法律顾问来代表，因为私人律师并没有法定地位来代表霹雳议长。这也导致议长西华古玛的律师团退出审讯。
早上11点15分：大约300人聚集在行动党总部前，聆听民联领袖的演讲。
早上10点57分：尼查吁请人民保持冷静和遵守法律。他要求支持者，不要像那些企图阻止他们进入州政府大厦的人士，制造麻烦。
早上10点53分：倪可汉表示，议长西华古玛将向警方与州秘书发动一项，藐视州议会的动议。
早上10点50分：原任霹雳高级行政议员兼行动党主席倪可汉说，“这是令人难过的一天。我们已经变成了一个警察国”。
早上10点49分：尼查说，他将尝试要求觐见苏丹，以便通知关于议会的决定。他坚称，今天的紧急议会完全符合条例行事。
早上10点46分：尼查在行动党总部举行的新闻发布会上说，“我们是被迫在大树下举行州议会，因为我们被阻止进入议会厅。但是我们已经按照议长发出的通知，履行了本身的职务”。
早上10点41分：这项紧急州议会也通过第三项动议，即批准特权委员会对国阵大臣赞比里和6名行政议员所发出的禁足令。
早上10点31分：西华古玛宣布休会，预料较后将前往临近的行动党总部，以便召开新闻发布会。
早上10点30分：预料西华古玛将要求觐见苏丹，以便亲自面呈这两项动议。
早上10点25分：第二项要求解散州议会的动议，也在提呈后获得一致通过。
早上10点23分：第一项动议获得一致通过。所有在场的民联议员高喊“支持”，以示投票。
早上10点20分：第一项支持原任州务大臣尼查的动议正被提呈。
早上10点15分：穿上议长服饰的西华古玛正式在停车场召开紧急州议会。围观的民众受促勿鼓掌或欢呼，因为州议会召开时必须维持肃静。
紧急州会是先以祈祷仪式作为开始，并是在一棵树下面召开，州议长及州议员并没有任何的椅子可坐。
早上10点13分：霹州议长西华古玛决定在停车场召开紧急州议会。所有28名民联州议员也出席会议。大约有300人聚集在四周观看这场前所未有的历史性紧急州议会。
早上10点08分：霹州议长西华古玛以及原任大臣尼查继续在与民联州议员在停车场召开临时会议。
早上10点：由于遭到警方的挡驾，尼查及州议员无望进入州政府大厦召开紧急州议会，并决定离开。他们将会前往霹州行动党总部召开记者会。不过大约有200名民联支持者仍然留守在州政府大厦门口观望。
早上9点55分：怡保警区主任阿兹曼声称，他已经与倪可汉及州秘书阿都拉曼进行谈话，而州秘书告诉他，任何人都不准进入州政府大厦。
早上9点53分：民联原任高级行政议员倪可汉仍然试图与怡保警区主任进行谈判，以让民联州议员进入州政府大厦出席紧急州议会。
早上9点50分：目击者说，警方要求霹州议长西华古玛独自一人进入州政府大厦，但是这个讯息却无法获得证实。
早上9点49分：警方下令聚集的民众解散，不过民众却以“人民万岁”的口号作为回报。
早上9点45分：怡保警区主任阿兹曼拒绝与民联谈判，坚决不准任何人进入州政府大厦。警方开始把民联州议员从州政府大厦门口推开。情况开始变得非常混乱。
早上9点40分：由于镇暴队不准任何人进入州政府大厦，尼查的代表正与警方展开谈判。聚集在外的民众已经增加至200人，他们大部分都是民联的支持者。不过警方的水炮车却开始严阵以待，炮口指向民众。早上9点25分：大约30名国阵支持者试图阻止尼查及民联州议员进入州政府大厦大门，不过警方并未介入分隔双方。虽然一度发生碰撞，但是尼查及州议员仍然成功走向州政府大厦大门。
早上9点30分：原任民联州务大臣尼查以及民联州议员抵达州政府大厦。许多等候在外的民众纷纷涌上前向他们打招呼和握手。
早上9点25分：现场出现约30名国阵的支持者向民联支持者叫嚣，高喊羞辱性的口号；大约百名的民联支持者也不甘示弱，还以“烈火莫熄”的口号。现场一时洋溢着朝野阵营的口号声。
早上9点21分：警方以及一辆镇暴队卡车正驻守在州政府大厦大门前，以阻挠民联州议员进入。预料民联州议员将会试图通过大门进入霹州议会厅。
早上9点20分：聚集在州政府大厦外的各族民众人数已经增加至大约一百人。
早上9点15分：民联议员正式集体出发，以赴紧急州议会。他们是先聚集在附近的一点酒店，等待所有议员到期之后就集体出发。
早上9点10分：国阵以及民联的律师团已经抵达怡保高庭，准备针对国阵州务大臣赞比里及6名行政议员，申请推翻霹州议长西华古玛所下达的禁足令进行司法抗辩。
赞比里的律师团是由莫哈末哈发里占（Mohd Hafarizam）所率领，至于民联的律师团则由陈国强所率领，成员包括汤米汤姆斯（Tommy Thomas）、许统义、梁卓经等。
怡保高庭外一片风平浪静，没有任何的群众、警员甚至政治领袖的出现。
早上8点50分：虽然霹雳州总警长朱基菲警告民众勿聚集在州政府大厦附近，否则将被视为非法集会，但是仍有50名好奇的民众聚集在州政府大厦的后门静观其变。不过记者指出，现场气氛平静。
早上8点15分：备受瞩目的霹雳紧急州议会原订今日召开，但是却面对霹雳州秘书署和警方的诸多阻挠，或无法顺利举行。
霹雳州议长西华古玛已经择定在今日召开紧急州议会，以支持原任州务大臣尼查及寻求解散州议会。
霹雳州秘书署昨日发出临时通告，突然在今日关闭州政府大厦，无形中也关闭了位于州政府大厦二楼的霹雳州议会厅。
霹雳州政府大厦的前门今早已经正式关闭。而警方也封锁了通往州政府大厦后门的道路，并派遣镇暴队和水炮车严阵以待。
大约40名全副武装的镇暴队排列在后门。有些镇暴队员手持来福枪或催泪弹发射器。
许多媒体聚集在后门，以等待霹雳州民联议员前来出席紧急州议会。
Open letter to Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin
Monday, 02 March 2009 19:59
Don’t allow a handful of those who sit on the throne intimidate you into thinking that you are alone, representing the Rakyat, against the Monarchy. No, we are with you, as are many other Royals.
NO HOLDS BARRED
Raja Petra Kamarudin
Dear Datuk Seri,
I am going to make this short and sweet. No more cheong hei article from me.
They can lock the Perak State Assembly building if they want. The building is not important. If the building is inaccessible -- say like there is a flood or an earthquake brings it down -- does this mean the State Assembly can’t meet?
Of course it can. It can meet anywhere, not necessarily in that particular meeting.
Go find another meeting place, tonight, now itself, and hold the meeting there tomorrow. Pass a vote of confidence to support you as the Menteri Besar. Then pass all the other motions, including the motion to dissolve the Perak State Assembly. Then drive up to Bukit Chandan as soon as possible and inform Tuanku of the State Assembly’s decision.
If Tuanku refuses to comply with what is clearly lawful, then challenge him and, if necessary, trigger a Constitutional Crisis like never before seen in the 52-year history of this nation.
The people are ready. The next ‘revolution’ is not going to be a race riot a la May 13. It is going to be a class struggle. And I am with the Rakyat on this, never mind my so-called Royal background.
I speak as a Royal but speak for the Rakyat. And rest assured there are many other Royals who share my view. Don’t allow a handful of those who sit on the throne intimidate you into thinking that you are alone, representing the Rakyat, against the Monarchy. No, we are with you, as are many other Royals.
Grab the bull by the horns and bring it to its knees. And if this bull wears a crown so be it. The Rakyat have spoken. Don’t back down now. Go all the way or forever lose that advantage. And if you fail to go all the way, the Rakyat will never forgive you and you will lose our support till the end of time.
Daulat Tuanku. Daulat Tuanku. Daulat Tuanku.
Patek yang hina sembah Tuanku dan memohon perkenan agar Tuanku jangan kecewakan Rakyat. Hasrat Rakyat ialah untuk mencari kebenaran dan keadilan. Biarlah ini juga menjadi hasrat Tuanku.
Daulat Tuanku. Daulat Tuanku. Daulat Tuanku.
霹州宪政危机倒数开始？ 未来48小时的7种可能性
当今大马团队 | 3月2日 下午4点03分
随着霹雳州议长西华古玛作出两项有关霹雳州宪政危机的决定，即禁止国阵州务大臣赞比里及6名行政议员出席州议会，并召开紧急州议会以支持原任大臣尼查和要求解散州议会的动议，民联及国阵将会在未来的48个小时内进行最后的摊牌，并可能出现7种局面。
不管局势如何演变，最后的结果只有2个：要不是霹雳州民联成功解散州议会，重新举行州选举，就是国阵成功阻止紧急州议会的举行。
第1种局面：
按照目前的局势看来，西华古玛很有可能如期举行紧急州议会，并通过原订的两项动议：（一）支持原任大臣尼查；二）如果第一项动议通过，要求州议会委托尼查带着解散州议会的议案觐见霹雳州苏丹阿兹兰莎，要求御准解散州议会。
仍不清楚霹雳州苏丹是否会首肯民联的要求，御准解散州议会。殿下已经在2月6日，表达他的意愿，并委任赞比里出任新州务大臣。
第2种局面：
霹雳州国阵或赞比里入禀法庭，申请禁令阻止紧急州议会召开。这项申请在今日入禀的可能性很高。
不过，按照三权分立的惯例，法庭无权管制立法机构的程序。
宪政专家阿都阿兹指出，基于与立法权、执法权平起平坐，法庭一般上将会坚持三权分立的原则。
然而基于当前朝野恶斗的局面，无法不排除法庭介入的可能性。
若成功入禀申请禁令，这也将直接意味着预订明日召开的紧急州议会，将无法如期举行。
无论如何，民联或霹雳州议会议长可以试图撤销这项禁令，并提出上诉，引发另一场漫长的法律混战。
必须注意到是，吉隆坡高庭目前正在审讯尼查入禀诉求赞比里受委为州务大臣是不合法的审讯。
第3种局面：
赞比里可以采取的另一个司法途径是申请庭令，允许他、6名行政议员以及3名亲国阵的独立州议员出席明日的紧急州议会。
若这个局面出现，获得3名独立议员支持的国阵可以挫败这两项动议。
不过，议长仍可以再申请庭令推翻，因为他是州议会事务的最后仲裁者。
除了禁止赞比里及6名州行政出席州议会之外，议长还可以声称，3名独立议员的地位模糊，因为他已经接获3人的辞职信，并宣布这3个议席悬空。
这也将继续引发另一张漫长的司法斗争。
第4种局面：
获得霹雳州苏丹委任的国阵州政府，可以命令所有的公务员及州议会职员勿与西华古玛及民联合作。
霹雳州议会的大门可以被关上，而州议会的职位可能拒绝执行他们的任务。
若出现这个局面，议长有权宣布另择地点举行紧急州议会，并在那里召开议会。
而尼查的“新官邸”也可以被宣布为州议会的举行地点。
第5种局面：
国阵最佳中止紧急州议会举行的方法，也是可能性最低的做法，就是先行解散州议会，要求举行闪电选举。国阵一开始就反对这项抉择，担心它可能无法在州选举里头胜出。
除了以上的5种局面，国阵中央政府也可以采取其他的2种作法介入，以挽救霹雳州政权不沦落。然而这两项高压做法，将不会受到欢迎，尤其是面对3场补选在即之时，其中一场补选就在霹雳州的武吉干当国席举行。
将接任首相大任，兼任国阵及霹雳州巫统主席的纳吉，非到最后的关头，才会采取这两项措施；
（第一）国阵中央政府可以下令警方援引内安法令逮捕霹雳州民联领袖，阻止紧急州议会的举行，而尼查、霹雳州民联行政议员及西华古玛被逮捕的可能性最高。
（第二）国阵中央政府可以宣布霹雳州晋入紧急状态，而把该州的事务交由国家行动理事会管辖。这并非没有先例，国阵中央政府在1977年，就曾在吉兰丹州宣布该州晋入紧急状态。当年丹州的情况与霹州如出一辙，原任的州务大臣也拒绝撤下职责。
以上这两种选项，并非荒谬不可能出现，民联领袖包括回教党副主席胡桑慕沙就曾经公开提过。
霹雳州政局将会在未来的48小时进入倒数的阶段。或许在明日，现实一片混乱的霹雳州宪政危机将会变得更为清晰，抑或继续再恶化下去。
随着霹雳州议长西华古玛作出两项有关霹雳州宪政危机的决定，即禁止国阵州务大臣赞比里及6名行政议员出席州议会，并召开紧急州议会以支持原任大臣尼查和要求解散州议会的动议，民联及国阵将会在未来的48个小时内进行最后的摊牌，并可能出现7种局面。
不管局势如何演变，最后的结果只有2个：要不是霹雳州民联成功解散州议会，重新举行州选举，就是国阵成功阻止紧急州议会的举行。
第1种局面：
按照目前的局势看来，西华古玛很有可能如期举行紧急州议会，并通过原订的两项动议：（一）支持原任大臣尼查；二）如果第一项动议通过，要求州议会委托尼查带着解散州议会的议案觐见霹雳州苏丹阿兹兰莎，要求御准解散州议会。仍不清楚霹雳州苏丹是否会首肯民联的要求，御准解散州议会。殿下已经在2月6日，表达他的意愿，并委任赞比里出任新州务大臣。
第2种局面：
霹雳州国阵或赞比里入禀法庭，申请禁令阻止紧急州议会召开。这项申请在今日入禀的可能性很高。
不过，按照三权分立的惯例，法庭无权管制立法机构的程序。
宪政专家阿都阿兹指出，基于与立法权、执法权平起平坐，法庭一般上将会坚持三权分立的原则。
然而基于当前朝野恶斗的局面，无法不排除法庭介入的可能性。
若成功入禀申请禁令，这也将直接意味着预订明日召开的紧急州议会，将无法如期举行。
无论如何，民联或霹雳州议会议长可以试图撤销这项禁令，并提出上诉，引发另一场漫长的法律混战。
必须注意到是，吉隆坡高庭目前正在审讯尼查入禀诉求赞比里受委为州务大臣是不合法的审讯。
第3种局面：
赞比里可以采取的另一个司法途径是申请庭令，允许他、6名行政议员以及3名亲国阵的独立州议员出席明日的紧急州议会。若这个局面出现，获得3名独立议员支持的国阵可以挫败这两项动议。
不过，议长仍可以再申请庭令推翻，因为他是州议会事务的最后仲裁者。
除了禁止赞比里及6名州行政出席州议会之外，议长还可以声称，3名独立议员的地位模糊，因为他已经接获3人的辞职信，并宣布这3个议席悬空。
这也将继续引发另一张漫长的司法斗争。
第4种局面：
获得霹雳州苏丹委任的国阵州政府，可以命令所有的公务员及州议会职员勿与西华古玛及民联合作。
霹雳州议会的大门可以被关上，而州议会的职位可能拒绝执行他们的任务。
若出现这个局面，议长有权宣布另择地点举行紧急州议会，并在那里召开议会。
而尼查的“新官邸”也可以被宣布为州议会的举行地点。
第5种局面：
国阵最佳中止紧急州议会举行的方法，也是可能性最低的做法，就是先行解散州议会，要求举行闪电选举。国阵一开始就反对这项抉择，担心它可能无法在州选举里头胜出。
除了以上的5种局面，国阵中央政府也可以采取其他的2种作法介入，以挽救霹雳州政权不沦落。然而这两项高压做法，将不会受到欢迎，尤其是面对3场补选在即之时，其中一场补选就在霹雳州的武吉干当国席举行。
将接任首相大任，兼任国阵及霹雳州巫统主席的纳吉，非到最后的关头，才会采取这两项措施；
（第一）国阵中央政府可以下令警方援引内安法令逮捕霹雳州民联领袖，阻止紧急州议会的举行，而尼查、霹雳州民联行政议员及西华古玛被逮捕的可能性最高。
（第二）国阵中央政府可以宣布霹雳州晋入紧急状态，而把该州的事务交由国家行动理事会管辖。这并非没有先例，国阵中央政府在1977年，就曾在吉兰丹州宣布该州晋入紧急状态。当年丹州的情况与霹州如出一辙，原任的州务大臣也拒绝撤下职责。
以上这两种选项，并非荒谬不可能出现，民联领袖包括回教党副主席胡桑慕沙就曾经公开提过。
霹雳州政局将会在未来的48小时进入倒数的阶段。或许在明日，现实一片混乱的霹雳州宪政危机将会变得更为清晰，抑或继续再恶化下去。
Sunday, March 1, 2009
Malaysia to restore 'Allah' ban for Christians
Monday, 02 March 2009 08:38
The Malaysian government will issue a new decree restoring a ban on Christian publications using the word "Allah" to refer to God, officials said Sunday.
Home Affairs Minister Syed Hamid Albar said a previous Feb. 16 decree that allowed Christian publications to use the word as long as they specified the material was not for Muslims was a mistake, the national Bernama news agency reported.
The about-turn came after Islamic groups slammed the government and warned that even conditional use of the word by Christians would anger Muslims, who make up the country's majority.
A senior ministry official confirmed Syed Hamid's comments, saying there were "interpretation mistakes" in the Feb. 16 decree that led to the confusion.
"'Allah' cannot be used for other religions except Islam because it might confuse Muslims. This is the ministry's stand and it hasn't changed," the official, who declined to be named citing protocol, told The Associated Press.
The official said the ministry was likely to issue a new decree to annul the old one and effectively re-impose the ban.
The dispute has become symbolic of increasing religious tensions in Malaysia, where 60 percent of the 27 million people are Muslim Malays. A third of the population is ethnic Chinese and Indian, and many of them practice Christianity.
Malaysia's minorities have often complained that their constitutional right to practice their religions freely has come under threat from the Malay Muslim-dominated government. They cite destruction of Hindu temples and conversion disputes as examples. The government denies any discrimination.
The Herald, the Roman Catholic Church's main newspaper in the country, had filed a legal suit to challenge the government ban on non-Muslims using the word.
The Herald argued that the Arabic word is a common reference for God that predates Islam and has been used for centuries as a translation in Malay.
Rev. Lawrence Andrew, the editor of the Herald, said Sunday the publication had not been notified of the government's change in policy.
"Unfortunately the apparent relief that we imagined we were able to enjoy has been short-lived," he said. - AP
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